A Mind for Philosophy - By Eliza Veretilo

A Mind for Philosophy

A mind for philosophy, or a philosophical mind, is a mind ready to discover and is a mind ready to enquire. It needs to be empty, so to speak, of preconceptions. When Socrates said ‘All I know is that  I know nothing’, he was talking about the incredibly massive and wide universe of experience which is life. When we compare our knowledge to the whole of that experience, then we really know nothing. And to experience anything, to learn anything, to know anything in this universe, we must look at it fresh, as it is. Why? Because if we come to an experience with a preconception, we are going to shape the experience in such a way that it fits our previous knowledge. If you want to experience something new, you have to empty your mind of your projected ideas first.

Philosophy, in principle, is an opportunity to look at the world fresh. With the eyes of a child, but with intelligence; but not the intelligence that is bred with reading books and studying subjects, although that is good technical knowledge. In order to really discover, to really investigate and to really see, we need a type of intelligence which is free and unafraid. This would be an intelligence of awareness, not an intelligence of limitation. Think Leonardo Da Vinci, a well known and recognised genius. It is a known fact that Leonardo did most of his research and discovery by himself. How? By observing the world with eyes of wonder.

I am not saying that we should reject all the knowledge that we have historically accumulated. Well, I am saying that in a way, yet I am not, I am speaking in a more fundamental way. Each human being has the capacity and right to experience the world for itself and thus, find his or her own truth. My point is that a real curious mind, a philosophical mind, looks at life without the frame. It is a fallacy of modern philosophy to conceptualise experience and to build on blocks of complex confused language and claim that knowledge lays there, in the high land of the ‘specialist’. If we are to look at the past, let it be as an example, not as a cage. Think of Descartes, thinking the world all anew, all by himself, inventing mathematical methods and philosophies.

We know the world through ideas, it’s true, but some ideas are the product of tradition, prejudice and habit. That is why it’s important to question them, truly. To ‘know’ can be very isolating; when you think that you know, sometimes that makes you unwilling to investigate and listen and learn from others. The more you know, the more complex it becomes.

Philosophy can be a great opportunity to step back and really have a good look at what is going on. For that we need a simple mind.  To have a simple mind, a true philosophical mind, is to break your ‘I’m convinced’ state and let your mind be truly observant and truly creative.
So, observe but don’t judge. Observe, but don’t condemn. Observe, but don’t believe. Don’t believe anything that is not soundly true to your most inner being (the one you ultimately can’t lie to). A real philosophical mind does not deceive itself. But don’t get me wrong, I know why we sometimes do it; for comfort, for security, or simply in order to make sense. Truth cannot come from lies. That is why I say, we need to keep our minds simple, in order to observe the world as it is and not through the lens of our prejudices, because at the end of the day, Socrates was right and all I know is that I know nothing either, so why pretend we know it all?

Eliza Veretilo



The Philosophy Takeaway Issue 51 'Open Topic'

Philosophy Stall - Camden Market

A philosophy stall in Camden Lock market? What a positively smashing idea!


How useful are the senses to the knowledge seeker? - By St.Zagarus

How useful are the senses to the knowledge seeker?

We all have to start somewhere on our quest for knowledge. It is absolutely unavoidable. How can I write the second sentence without the first? I cannot. Likewise, how can I build an idea without a foundation which I take to be true, even though I have no evidence for this foundation? I cannot. To make this more solid and less of an abstract, floaty idea, let me put this (and my neck!) on the line.

The beginning of knowledge, the first instrument of truth, is sensory experience. This would be some form of 'Empiricism' in philosophy-terms. What can be touched, tasted, seen, heard or smelt is our foundation for knowledge. We can narrow this list down a bit, and put 'sight' on a pedestal, as it is the most useful sense in discovering knowledge.

At any rate we have our foundation. We can gain knowledge through the accumulation of sensory data. By experiencing things we can piece together general rules: when X happens, Y will follow. We can provide observable, testable evidence to convince people that our theories have a certain probability of being correct. We can take an unromantic view of the world, unobscured by mythologies and beliefs. We are born as blank slates, created equally to develop ourselves however we might. Nothing is set in stone, and everything is reversible. The old can be overwhelmed by the new. Nature can be drowned beneath a deluge of experiences. What comes out, is what goes in. That is it.

'Is that it?'


No, for the senses are useless... -

There I said it! Of course I do not mean it, I am just stirring up a bit of beef. But what I mean to say is that they are useless on their own. Reducing reality to sensory experience is like observing a frozen lake and thinking it only an icy surface. In trying to understand human beings, we cannot rely purely on the 'output' of peoples behaviours. Nor can we understand ourselves from a purely empirical position, as so much of what we are is not even truly experienced by our senses.

Our senses do the job they were designed to do. However, they are not sufficient to tell us anything universally true - objective knowledge - because on top of them lies a personality. This subjective personality has the ability to prioritise, it has emotional weights attached to it, which drive and pull it. For instance, it can focus on rushing to the bakery, and as a result miss the forlorn snail innocently crossing the pave.

Scrunch! - one dead snail. For what - an iced bun?

Our personalities can be dominated by group psychosis (being made to ignore facts of reality because everyone else around us is ignoring it). The rules and norms of society can be counter to the acquisition of knowledge, and our own sensory information can be ignored, or perverted, because of it.

Taken into a broader context, no amount of sensory awareness can guarantee that personalities will prioritise what is important over what is trivial. No amount of sense data placed upon the scale will produce an ounce of meaning - placing a heap of pieces on a board does not create a chess set - and without meaning, or subjective purpose, we cannot seek knowledge. For knowledge is whatever is useful to our interests and biases as individuals, or masses. Anything that is not useful, is not knowledge. Therefore, we cannot rely on a purely 'earthly' concept of using experiences of the real-world to find knowledge. There is no knowledge out there, even if there is a real world beyond us. Knowledge needs a subject to find it – you!

Let us look at an example to further this: we have two sides of the same coin - enchantment and disenchantment. You and I could walk through the same shopping mall. You bedazzled by the colours and squeaky clean shops, me disgusted by the lack of spontaneity and the artificial-ness of the environment. You excited about the shiny surface of a curvaceous mobile telecommunications device, me sickened that anyone could ignore the horrid conditions of the asian serf-worker whose blistered hands made it. We would both be sensing the same combinations of molecules and atoms, the same colours and smells, the same outer world. Our senses would be roughly equal in their capacity to detect physical matter. Our different positions are therefore not caused by sensing something different, but our reaction to experiencing the same thing. A massively complex reaction that is part emotional, part rational, part natural-animal,  part chosen by our will, and so on. At any rate, something within us is choosing to come to a different conclusion. All whilst using the same sensory experiences.

Yet if the first instrument of knowledge is sensory experience, how is it possible for us to come to such radically differing viewpoints when experiencing the same things? There is one answer to this. The foundation of knowledge is not the senses, however useful they are.

Sense information becomes important only after we have decided what is important.

Knowledge, with a big K, is impossible -

If we accept the above train of thought we lead to the inevitable conclusion. Knowledge seeking does not begin with a pure desire to sense the world, to capture it on the 'blank slates' of the mind. What the end product of empiricism's grand project - the scientist - studies and develops is decided by factors which are almost always political, economic, or personal (just ask - how many noble men and women of science engineer the weapons of tomorrow, or waste time developing anti-hair loss products?)

There is no such thing as pure sensation; all senses are wreathed in subjectivity, emotion, prejudice, thoughts of past and future, concepts created by language, and so on. If we could use our senses in a pure sense, unobscured by personality, everything would become inseparable.

Without the power of words to divide and highlight things, without the concept of time to predict things, and without the weight of emotion to move us into action and create our preferences we are incapable of seeking any knowledge at all. The ability to do these things is innate - we are born with them. We, as individuals or masses, merely choose how to use our innate faculties.

The first instrument of knowledge is what-is-important to us. Yet what is important to us?

St.Zagarus



The Philosophy Takeaway Issue 51 'Open Topic'

Silence is louder then words - By T.C.R.Moon

Silence is louder then words

In this short essay I wish to show that silence can express meaning infinitely more than a word or sentence, and goes beyond understanding. 

Firstly we need to look at meaning in language, something which Wittgenstein gives a very good account of.  In the Philosophical Investigations Wittgenstein discusses how language actually works, when he shows that words are not labels but ultimately indicate a use.  To say "slab" to a worker on a construction site, doesn't necessarily entail 'bring me the', it could be a command or a statement of fact like 'this is a' and so is a knowledge claim.  What gives the use of a word is the context and how the word is used. Ultimately the meaning of what is being said is not fully given when we say a definition, but how we use that definition. Wittgenstein spends a great deal of effort in this area and in arguing against a private language. 

So what happens when we talk of pain or emotions, or colour and touch? As Wittgenstein has removed the notion of ostensive pointing in language, when we say that is red or I am in pain, we cannot be referring to a private sensation we experience. This is because a fundamental mechanism in language that allows meaning to be understood is a agreement on what something is. This is why the label theory of words seems like common sense, because these agreements are already in place and so  the theory appears after the fact.  So, with the meaning of 'tree', it is not the definition that is meaningful but that others can understand that you are referring to that class of object.

But this common sense picture language theory really falls into question when we ask what are we pointing to with private, internalized sensations of colour and pain. The community of understanding is an 'image' of what is pictured in the mind, not the private sensation that is expressed.  For instance, when we talk of the colour red, we are talking about an agreement of what it is based on, an agreed understanding that this object is actually red. Likewise with pain, we come to an agreement that this behavioural sequence of pain is pain, and this begins to take on a universality. A purely subjective experience in this account is meaningless in a language, especially if it is of a kind where only one person has had it. There would be no sequence or agreement that would allow understanding, or any behaviour that could allow another to say 'I recognize that' and so it cannot enter the language in a meaningful way.

A subjective experience has no meaning because it is not referred to in language. How could we know we mean the same thing, if it is even a thing at all?

It is here I am going to introduce Kierkegaard and the concept of a knight of faith from his book Fear and Trembling.  The knight of faith is a person who acts in a manner that is beyond the sphere of understanding, due to a personal telos  (purpose) that 'over steps' the ethical considerations of others because of 'an absolute duty to god'. In this case Abraham receives a subjective vision from God, to sacrifice his beloved son Isaac in the lands of Moriah, in three days time.

Firstly, it is be noted that this telos was given to Abraham subjectively, no one could have seen it or have been a part of it. Abraham received a picture (a purely mentalistic/subjective process) from an infinite source, but unlike the picture of colour or pain (which can be translated into an image and thus allow for an agreement in the community, and so be rendered meaningful by a repeated sequence of behaviour or coherence of agreement), this truly religious experience cannot be agreed upon and cannot be understood, for it existed within Abraham alone. 

When Kierkegaard says 'ethical' Wittgenstein says 'language', for language is definitive of our reality. Our form of life describes our understanding and all ethical considerations fall into the universal of language. This being the case, how could Abraham speak, how could he explain that he had to sacrifice 'that which he loved most', foregoing the duty a father has to his son? Anyone would think him mad from an outside perspective.

"Humanly speaking he is insane and cannot make himself understood to anyone" (Fear and Trembling, Problema II, 'pg 91)  This necessity for salience required by Wittgenstein’s language theory is utterly understood by Kierkegaard. In an attempt to explain to others he would simply give rise to temptation, and be drawn back to the universal, into the finite language and he would not have made the infinite step over to the ethical. Which is what, as Kierkegaard claims many times, made him great.  It is the subjectivity that removes Abraham from the language and so removes him from the universal. Yet paradoxically his body is still with the finite, the universal, which is what gives the insane quality to his actions. His physical actions can be understood, but make no sense and this limits us from truly understanding; for we understand actions within the ethical, with the language, but his actions are based on a duty to the infinite.

Abraham stayed silent for three days, which is important for Wittgenstein. Faith in this case is the "beetle" that Wittgenstein spoke of that could never enter the language.  But does his silence mean nothing? Can we say this in good heart? Surely, even if Abraham imagined the vision and it never actually happened, we cannot say that he was insane, for he knew that his actions would be seen as insane and understood the ethical implications. The duty of a father to his son was not alien to him. This element of understanding is what creates the fear and trembling, the tension of standing in 'absolute relation to the infinite' whilst inside the universal. All this could be understood, but he chose to suspend the duty for what could have simply been a hallucination of conviction.

It was the fear and trembling that made Abraham a knight, the bravery and fortitude of acting on a conviction no one can understand. In this he finds isolation and a very human terror. Considering this, his silence expressed bravery in the actions he takes, and whilst Kierkegaard demands God as a justification that is infinitely above all ethics and language, by removing this religious aspect does that remove the bravery of a sane man doing an insane thing.? It is not so different from bungee jumping. People say 'why would you want to jump off a bridge?' and it is not uncommon for them to say 'you're insane' (though it is meant tongue in cheek).  When you stand at the edge, you stand silently, a similar place to Abraham, between sanity and insanity, between understandable and intelligible action and choice and if you have the courage, you fall and you suspend your ethical duty to yourself, and leave everything up to faith.

But moreover, the absolute meaning of the silence is a humanism. You overcome yourself, all others, and the world itself and this is not always found in reason but insanity, like charging into battle. Everything pulls us back, the ethical duty to yourself screams at you, the insanity of this choice echoes, but in the end we roar and pull a war face and the fear twists. It is not fear of spilling your blood that fills you but the fear of not spilling the enemies and in doing so you go beyond yourself, and become the ideal of a warrior.  I do not intend to say that violence is humanism, but to truly grow is to push the boundaries of what you fear until fear is lost and honour of oneself is claimed.  Abraham in the religious account did this infinitely, whereas the warrior, on his death dies a tragic hero, going beyond himself, but still being understood.

Abraham's silence speaks infinitely louder than any word could, and in speaking he would have done a violence to faith.  So whilst the silence is not a part of the language, for his silence express the infinite, it is a gesture, which Wittgenstein describes as 'the gesture--we should like to say--tries to portray, but cannot do' (Philosophical investigations, para 434). If this were not so then Kierkegaard could not have written about faith, and he never claims to know, but only wonders about Abraham's mental life, like a detective trying to understand a criminal mind. But Wittgenstein misses the irony in his all consuming logic.  The gesture of going to church or celebrating Christmas tries to portray faith. Yet this is not a humanism, for it is faith within boundaries of tradition. It is an insincere gesture, not a honest one, an agreement in the language of what faith is, which misses the point of faith. To show faith would not be to attend church on a Sunday, but to do the opposite of what is within the universal. That is faith, and that is irony.

At first the scenes of Abraham's tale are filled with drama. We find sympathy for Sarah, woe for Isaac and anger at Abraham, but all of a sudden we question ourselves for once we understand how much a father loves his son, we ask 'why is he doing this, have we missed something' and this intriguing revelation sends on the first steps towards humanism.  Wittgenstein is so set on making sense he has missed the fact that some experiences are nonsensical and he demands that they mean nothing, yet it seems that the nonsense means everything, which is why it cannot be said.

Anyone who has asked another who has tried a euphoric drug will ask,  'what is it like?' They will struggle to describe it and say 'bliss'. Yet during the actual experience of the euphoria, if they were asked the same, only silence would fall, accompanied by a smile. The sober one walks into a room of people rolling around and sees only insanity and stupidity, yet the ones who are euphoric feel infinity and so are silent. This is why chemical experiences have to be had to be understand them. They cannot be described, just like the faith of Abraham.

So Wittgenstein’s thesis that the subjective, private experience of emotion or colour cannot enter the language, even Kierkegaard would agree. But in the irony of faith, this thesis cannot say it means nothing, for it is a gesture, an honest gesture breathed in irony that causes introspection and so does portray faith, in irony by looking at our subject, not a language, for ultimately language is inadequate to account for the infinite subjective experience.

It is this irony that makes the silence of Abraham louder than words and what Wittgenstein misses in his philosophy, for he presents reason and boundaries, instead of nonsense and humanism.  When I read Kierkegaard I do not read a tale that has any religious significance to me, I am not religious.  What I read is a story of self-belief in the eyes of judgement, of one who steps beyond boundaries and becomes something more than himself. The experience means everything to those who know it and nothing to those who do not and clearly Wittgenstein knows not, for he sacrifices his heart for armour but Kierkegaard sacrifices armour for his heart and this I think is the difference in their philosophy, the presence of love and humanism, and this is why Abraham's silence is infinitely louder then Wittgenstein’s words.

T.C.R.Moon


The Philosophy Takeaway Issue 51 'Open Topic'

Liberalism: from Philosophers to Society? - By Martin Prior

Liberalism: from Philosophers to Society?

In my last article, Liberalism: from Philosophers to Politicians, I discussed a dozen or so writers on freedom/liberalism, from Lao-Tze (6th century BC) to Isaiah Berlin.  Strands of economic and socialism crept in, with Adam Smith seen as the father of economic liberalism, and John Stuart Mill the father of social liberalism.  To my mind there is not so much a dichotomy as a triplet, with civic liberalism often, as with the LibDems, ambiguous between the other two.

In fact, social liberalism is not merely non-economic liberalism: it must identify the social freedoms that economic liberalism violates.  In this paper I shall examine philosophers from the 'alleged' social liberal John Stuart Mill, to the 'alleged' libertarian socialist Noam Chomsky.  I shall then briefly discuss how liberalism and conservatism differ when adopted by the ruling classes: basically conservatives appear more progressive when empire or sphere of influence is expanding, and liberals appear more progressive when this is contracting.

As I said in my last paper, John Stuart Mill’s (England, 1806-1873) liberalism coincided with the shift from Whigs to Liberals round 1868, and most of the period of Gladstone’s first of four Liberal Governments.  He is said to be an early champion of this new Liberalism.  But he was very much a utilitarian, and believed in the pursuit of happiness as the ‘highest normative principle’ rather than a right.  Thus he was a utilitarian as well as being considered the founder of ‘Social Liberalism’ and accepted state intervention if there were sufficient utilitarian grounds.  We thus see a marriage of utilitarianism and a concept of social liberalism.

Thorstein Veblen (US, 1857–1926) was born roughly at the start of Mills’ last 15 years.  He was influential to those in America who saw liberalism as seeking a rational basis for the economy above competition and seeking of monopoly power.  His central argument was that individuals required non-economic time to become educated individuals.  This development of liberalism to transcend the economic was parallelled by Isaiah Berlin (Latvia/United Kingdom, 1909–1997), famous for distinguishing two concepts of liberty 'positive' and 'negative' liberty which he saw as mutually opposing concepts.  Positive liberty arouse through state power to ‘liberate’ humankind from its worst aspects and was in danger of sliding into totalitarianism.  On the other hand, negative liberty required that individuals were given maximal freedom from external constraints, as long as the like rights of others were not violated.

These last two are important in the development of the social factors in liberalism, but just as Adam Smith had added formalism to economic liberalism, so did the UK Liberal John Maynard Keynes for Keynesian economics, which was critical for developing new attitudes in attacking the Great Depression.  Those who attacking present-day austerity cite Keynes, and show how Obama’s policies are working, just as Roosevelt’s did.

Countering Keynes are Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, who developed neo-liberalism, which has crept into much modern economic thinking.  It had disastrous results in Chile, which was set up as a flagship under the then military junta, which eventually abandoned much of  the thinking of Friedman’s ‘Chicago Boys’, Chileans who had studied under Friedman in Chicago.

The prolific works of Noam Chomsky (USA, 1928- , linguist and philosopher) give a day-to-day and blow-by-blow account of neo-colonialism.

Now I have shown how ‘liberalism’ can mask conflicting attitudes of the social and economic liberals.  But the term social liberalism has been adopted by many in the centre and centre-right, such as John Major.  In fact we note from wikipedia that:

“Social liberalism seeks to balance individual freedom and social justice.  Like classical liberalism, it endorses a market economy[my italics] and the expansion of civil and political rights and liberties, but differs in that it believes the legitimate role of the government includes addressing economic and social issues such as poverty, health care and education.”

To my mind, endorsing a market economy is neither social liberal nor indeed utilitarian; John Stuart Mill had nothing significant to say about the market.  But in fact not only is the market an imperfect tool for social objectives.  It is not even an optimal tool in terms of economic efficiency.  Thus:

(i)            The optimum sum of profits is not the same as the sum of optimum profits across companies: this is particularly noticeable in the drive to oligopoly and monopoly.

(ii)          The optimum sum of profits is not the same as the sum of optimum profits across regions: in my view, though it is yet to become an important strand of economic thinking, wealth tends to gravitate towards an economic centre of gravity, something which increasingly afflicts the EU.  And of course quite notoriously the North-South Divide is notoriously inefficient for its inequalities.

(iii)         The optimum sum of profits is not the same as the sum of optimum profits across time: this is most notable in the tendency of enterprises to exploit resources to extinction.  The air, water, animals (for example fish) and in many ways, not least humans.

If I had a wider economic brief here I would discuss ways of addressing these problems.  But in the writings of Raymond Plant (UK, 1945-), political philosopher and Labour Peer writes extensively about neo-liberalism.  According to John Gray’s review (in the New Statesman) of Plant’s Neoliberal State, “Plant's central charge against neoliberalism is that, when stated clearly, it falls apart and is finally indistinguishable from a mild form of social democracy.”  I can say no more.

When we move from philosophies to politics, we move into an area where I believe we must look into the political adherents’ motivations in terms of their part in patterns of exploitation.  And in the developed countries, this really means thieves squabbling over the booty from exploitation of the Third World.  This issue is in no way addressed by social marketers and mainstream social democrats.

So regardless of the self-image of liberals and conservatives, I shall briefly express their behaviour in practice among leading world powers. The liberals value and develop their skills, and are quite ready to create empires and ‘neo-colonies’, which take advantage of their targets’ ignorance and often fear.  The Tories’ approach, with whom conservatism is an asset, is frighten would-be supporters into loyalty, playing on ignorance and fear.  This rather than technology is their power base, but despite its shaky nature, they will resort to force against their opponents rather than persuasion.

Martin Prior


The Philosophy Takeaway Issue 51 'Open Topic'

Art - By Eliza Veretilo


This weeks artist was Eliza Veretilo: http://neonsuitcase.blogspot.co.uk/

The Philosophy Takeaway Issue 50 'Open Topic'

Why We Need Philosophy Kings - By Lloyd Duddridge

Why We Need Philosophy Kings 

Is the study of philosophy useful in our modern society? In a time of centre-politics and flimsy coalitions, it could be argued that it has never been more relevant than it is now. Plato thought that, in much the same way the empirical world was open to change, so was majority opinion, and posited an alternative system; that of the ‘philosophy kings’,  raising the question, should philosophers be allowed the chance to rule, instead of the politicians?

In the west, many just take it for granted that democracy is the system that best guards the well-being of the people. Plato, however, saw quite the opposite; that democracy leaves them open to manipulation and flattery. As an elected representative the politician must listen to the people’s opinions but job is to make you feel emotionally linked to the ideas that he is arguing for. Plato stated that the politician does not care for truth but simply swaying the opinion of the general public towards his agenda. 

In his book The Republic, where he outlines his blueprint for an ideal society, Plato states that he philosopher would not be democratically selected for if he was, then he too may be swayed by the whims of the people. The people would have no vote but would have to place their trust in the system that Plato’s Philosopher Kings would do what is best for the populace. So why should we trust the philosopher over the politician? 

The philosopher is the opposite of the politician. Just as he would aim to understand the realm of ideas that make up reality, the philosopher would also seek to understand the underlying laws of politics, those that go beyond mere opinion. The philosopher would not aim to win, for he would never have to put himself forward for popular election. The philosopher would care only for truth, and would look for the underlying laws that would improve the populace’s lives in the long run. 

Where the politician is a being of emotion, the philosopher is a being of reason. Plato stated that reason is independent of emotion, and used the analogy of the soul as a chariot. The talented driver would be able to keep the wild horse of emotion in check and, for Plato, the driver who would control his soul the best would be the philosopher; he who is closest to the forms of reason. 

It is the rational philosopher, not the flattering politician, who would best be able to keep their emotions in check. They would not commit to rash decisions, but make choices that were in line with reason, even if they differ from public opinion. 

Plato believed that the Philosophy King would need to be selected by other philosophers. Free of the restrictions of election by popular vote, a continuous chain would emerge. Philosopher Kings could then rule entirely of principles of reason, aspiring towards perfection. 

Plato thought that this system would bring about a greater sense of justice than any democratic system ever could. But can reason ever be pure and free from emotion? Can, and should, philosophers rule? 

Lloyd Duddridge

The Philosophy Takeaway Issue 50 'Open Topic'

Liberalism: from Philosophy to Politics - By Martin Prior

Liberalism: from Philosophy to Politics

In researching this article I decided to look for liberal philosophers, and in Wikipedia some 80 are listed, but I have picked out some dozen to illustrate the development of ‘liberalism’ a word that first appeared in the 1810s.

Let us first look at the Chinese thinker Lao-Tze (6th century BC), founder of Taoist philosophy.  In general, he did not think people deserved or needed freedom: he thought it counter-productive to do otherwise.  Thus his economic views were not by implication laissez-faire, since his maxim ‘wei wu wei’, do without doing implied an objective.

Aristotle is noted for his work Hê politikê, in which happiness is his main objective.  He believed that oligarchy was a ‘good thing’ but too profit-motivated, and democracy was a ‘bad thing’, serving only the poor, and that meritocracy was the best thing only not feasible.  Therefore the best solution was a compromise, the ‘polity’ combining democracy and oligarchy.  Some economic points: (i) note the parallel between oligarchy and modern-day oligopoly, and (ii) Aristotle was a firm believer in private property, thinking it more effective than property-less examples among the ‘barbarians’.


Niccolò Machiavelli (Florence, 1469–1527), the ‘realist’ political philosopher, has been seen by later generations as a cold schemer, who worked in the environment of the many Italian states, principalities and republics, which latter he preferred, despite the name of his most famous work, Il Principe, The Prince.  In general, he argued that that liberty was a central good that government should protect.  In this he conflicted with those who believe freedom requires small government.
.
Thomas Hobbes (England, 1588–1679) has been identified by Leo Strauss as the ‘father of liberalism’, but his principle theme was that government was motivated by ‘interest’, an important term which transcends politic and economic.  But he believed that only strong government could restrain unchecked interest.

Before turning to Locke, we should look at Baruch Spinoza (Netherlands, 1632–1677),  a Jew with complete commitment to determinism, for whom freedom could only be the freedom to say ‘yes’.  We must note this issue, since other philosophers discussed here have not notably addressed it.  

John Locke (England, 1632–1704) believed in “man’s” ‘natural rights’, which he considered to be life, liberty and ‘estate’ (property) as well as tolerance.  In economic terms , his theory or property was based on actions rather than inheritance.

John Locke died in 1704, some 70 years before Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776).  But we must take Smith together with Anders Chydenius (Finland (then a part of the Swedish realm), 1729–1803) a Finnish priest representing the clergy in Sweden’s four-estate parliament, whose main output was in 1766, ten years earlier.  He advocated complete economic and individual freedom, which included workers’ rights of mobility, choosing their employer, freedom of speech and trade. And abolition of wage and price controls.  He helped draft Sweden’s 1766 Constitutional Law on the Freedom of Printing, which is the forerunner of many natons’ freedom of information laws.  Along with Adam Smith he had a concept similar to the ‘invisible hand’.

Adam Smith (Great Britain, 1723–1790) was indeed the founder of economic liberalism, though we see its seed with a number of thinkers before him.  His economic liberalism included the abolition of slavery, but he outlined the idea that finite resources will be put to ultimately their most efficient use if people were allowed to get on with it and act in their self-interest.  Smith does of course have his critics and disciples, notably Mrs Thatcher with her apparent tenet that greed is good.


We can take together Jeremy Bentham (United Kingdom, 1748–1832) and John Stuart Mill (United Kingdom, 1806–1873).  Bentham is known as an early utilitarian, and his individual freedoms were far-ranging and well ahead of his time.  They included equality for women, abolition of slavery and separation of church and state.  His economic liberties included free prices, free trade and no restrictions on interest, and the end of colonialism.  But he was an interventionist regarding control of monopolies, pensions and health insurance.

Mills’ liberalism coincided with the shift from Whigs to Liberals round 1868, and most of the period of Gladstone’s first of four Liberal Governments.  He is said to be an early champion of the latter.  He believed in the pursuit of happiness as the ‘highest normative principle’ rather than a right.  In this regard he was a utilitarian and has been considered the founder of ‘Social Liberalism’: he accepted state intervention if there were sufficient utilitarian grounds.  We thus see a marriage of utilitarianism and a concept of social liberalism.

Thorstein Veblen (1857–1926) was born roughly at the start of Mills’ last 15 years.  He was influential to those in America who saw liberalism as seeking a rational basis for the economy above competition and seeking of monopoly power.  His central argument was that individuals required non-economic time to become educated individuals.

Veblan died in 1926, when Friedrich Hayek (Austria/United Kingdom/United States/Germany, 1899–1992) was starting to develop the philosophies of neo-liberalism, in which the market supplant any concept of social justice.  Neo-liberalism states that the states role is to ploice the free working of the market.  He did in fact predict the Greta Depression, but strongly opposed the views of John Maynard Keynes (Britain, 1883–1946).  Apparently the two became friends as air-raid wardens during WWII.  It was of course the conflicting views of Hayek and Keynes that revealed the conflict between economic and social liberalism.

I could say more about Milton Friedman (United States, 1912–2006, economist) and Noam Chomsky (United States, 1928– , linguist), but I shall conclude with the ideas of Isaiah Berlin (Latvia/United Kingdom, 1909–1997).  He is famous for distinguishing two concepts of liberty 'positive' and 'negative' liberty which he saw as mutually opposing concepts.  Positive liberty arouse through state power to ‘liberate’ humankind from its worst aspects and was in danger of sliding into totalitarianism.  On the other hand, negative liberty required that individuals were given maximal freedom from external constraints, as long as the like rights of others were not violated.

I stress this dichotomy because in my own arguments I have used a similar but different dichotomy: freedom from and freedom to.  Strangely freedom-to corresponds almost exactly to negative liberty, without the emphasis on the external.  To my mind this is the essence of Social Liberalism: the freedom to do as one wishes provided that other people’s like freedom is not violated.  To my mind this is part of single-person ethics if one wishes to consider ethics in axiomatic terms.  Freedom-from is generally emphasised by neo-liberals, for who freedom-to is less important.  Freedom-from is in fact in conflict with positive liberty.

If we take the step from philosophers, to my mind, the Whigs and Liberal successors differed from Conservatives in the way they managed imperialism.  Unlike Bentham they were in favour of colonialism.  But liberals knew when to advance and when to retreat.  But conservatives do not really know how to advance, but cling on to what they have  got, even when wisdom counsels retreat.  To my mind part of their motivation lies in the libs having a stronger capital base.

The European liberals are on the advance, mainly in partnership with the Christian Democrats, while British Tories are resisting retreat. So I believe are the Americans, with all their machinations in Latin America, the Middle East and elsewhere.

LibDems are a different animal altogether: they are civic liberals, ambiguous between the economic and the social. People usually talk of a dichotomy between economic and social liberalism, but much of what is called social liberalism is really civic.


I have finished by turning from philosophers to politicians. Many philosophers are also politicians. like Thomas Jefferson and the Finn Chydenius. Many too were close to politicians, like Machiavelli, Keynes and Friedmann.

In this paper, social liberalism is something that is rearing its head: John Stuart Mill and Chomsky are names which might be associated with social liberalism, but this requires a closer examination at some later stage.


Martin Prior

The Philosophy Takeaway Issue 50 'Open Topic'

Want to write for us?

If you would like to submit an article for consideration, please contact thephilosophytakeaway@gmail.com

Search This Blog